5 world conflicts you don’t hear about on the news

5 world conflicts you don’t hear about on the news

5 world conflicts you don’t hear about on the news

A photo of a Sudanese refugee sitting on the road in a white shirt. He is facing away from the camera, with a wooden cart next to him.

Image: Claudiad, Getty Images Signature.

A cursory search on RTÉ’s homepage indicates a sharp imbalance of coverage on current global conflicts; articles featuring Myanmar (Burma) and Sudan, for example, appear 1,700 and 5,620 times respectively, whereas Israel-Palestine pulls up approximately 32,800 results and Ukraine around 200,000. All are worthy of international outcry, but why is it that some garner more press coverage and public concern in the West than others?

 

Why are some conflicts given more attention than others?

 

Last year, reports emerged from Sudan showing evidence – including satellite imagery of burned villages and mass graves – that atrocities committed by armed groups in Darfur amounted to ethnic cleansing. Yet global concern was almost non-existent and where the story was picked up by western news outlets, it was promptly put down again as international attention turned to the erupting Israel-Hamas war. Press coverage is essential to the defence of human rights during times of war; we have seen journalists risk their lives in order to bring the world the truth of what is occurring in Gaza right now. Where world media trains its eye, global outrage and political mobilisation is sure to follow. Judging by the disparity between coverage of Darfur and Gaza, however, the world media’s vision is highly selective and highly racialised.

 

Two factors tend to determine whether a conflict is given attention in the west: political significance and cultural or geographical proximity. Both the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Hamas conflict have been given centre stage over the last number of years largely because of their political interests to western powers. Meanwhile conflicts in Africa, Latin America and elsewhere in the Middle East have been overlooked because they are deemed ‘distant’ and are occurring in peripheral regions with comparatively little global influence. When it comes to victims of conflict, western audiences tend to sympathise with those of the same ethnicity or cultural identity, and media framing of civilian deaths is often imbued with imperialist language, distinguishing between those who have been ‘killed’ and those who are merely ‘dead’.

 

Fair media coverage requires a dismantling of these archaic ideas about what is newsworthy and what is not. Regions of concern should have an equal bearing in public awareness and global outrage should not be channelled solely for victims of war who share aspects of western identity. Here are five conflicts happening right now across the world under the radar of western media. 

 

Ecuador

 

Ecuador has been plunged into crisis in the months since January as a wave of gang violence sweeps the country, leaving city streets deserted. In early January, President Daniel Noboa declared an eight-week state of emergency following eruptions in jail violence and the escape of Adolfo Macías, known as Fito, the leader of Los Choneros drug cartel. More than 130 prison staff have been taken hostage and at least ten people killed, while a TV station was stormed by gunmen live on air.

 

Videos circulating online show the violence has escalated onto the streets with car bombs going off, police officers murdered and attempted takeovers of hospitals and a university. In response, most cities in Ecuador have shut down, closing businesses and offices and sending children home from school until the violence dissipates. In the hopes of quelling the violence, Noboa has issued a decree designating a number of gangs as terrorist groups and authorised the military to “neutralise” the groups and restore order to the country. 

 

To put the current crisis into context, Ecuador has become attractive to drug cartels in recent years looking for new ways to export cocaine produced in neighbouring Colombia. The most recent surge in violence was triggered by the planned transfer of the Los Choneros leader ‘Fito’. After his escape was made known, riots kicked off in jails across the country. 

 

Sudan 

 

Erupting in April last year, the violent conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Services (RSF) has left more than half of Sudan’s population – almost 25 million people – in need, driving the largest internal displacement crisis in the world. The warring factions are competing for control of the state and its resources. The conflict has impacted health facilities and contributed to food insecurity across the country. Human Rights Watch say ethnically targeted killings by the RSF in West Darfur have “the hallmarks of an organised campaign of atrocities against Massalit civilians.” The conflict has killed more than 13,000 people so far and is expected to continue through 2024, putting many civilians, particularly ethnic minorities, at risk. 

 

Sudan was already experiencing a severe humanitarian crisis previous to the conflict. Poverty, hunger and displacement driven by socio-political instability, inflation and climate change was rampant and the current conflict only serves to worsen these conditions for many. 20.3 million people in Sudan are facing food insecurity due to a food crisis caused by rising prices and shortages; the expansion of fighting into agricultural regions and looting of markets and businesses will escalate the food crisis further. 

 

Myanmar (Burma)

 

Fighting between the military and armed groups in Myanmar has spread across the country and displaced over half a million people since October. This is on top of the nearly two million already displaced in the country since February 2021, when the military junta staged a coup to regain control of Myanmar after a democratic election. Since the coup, the military has clamped down on those opposing the regime, carrying out mass killings, sexual violence, torture and arbitrary arrests, as well as restricting freedom of speech and assembly. Schools, hospitals and displacement camps have been bombed and thousands of houses burned as the military attempt to cut resistance groups of food, funds, intelligence and recruits in a brutal strategy known as four cuts

 

Myanmar has spent decades in the grip of the Tatmadaw and violent ethnic conflicts have defined its history. In 2021, despite significant political reforms towards democracy in the preceding years, the civilian government was overthrown by the Tatmadaw in a military coup d’état and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing was appointed head of state. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, alongside other senior members of her government, were subsequently jailed. 

 

Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)

 

Following decades of regional conflict and economic turmoil, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has experienced a recent surge of violence, resulting in a significant increase in the number of displaced people within the country. Humanitarian organisations have also reported an alarming rise in gender based violence: according to Heather Kerr of the International Rescue Committee, “Eastern DRC has become one of the most dangerous places in the world for women and children.” 

 

As well as facing displacement and violence, the IRC reports that nearly 64 percent of the population of the DRC lives in poverty, and over 21 million are facing food insecurity – the highest number ever recorded in any country. Disease outbreaks are common and the health system is poorly equipped with the resources and staff to fight epidemics such as Ebola and Covid-19. 

 

The DRC’s humanitarian crisis is the product of a long history of political corruption and instability. There is little public trust in the country’s institutions, as evidenced by the reaction of opposition groups and civil society to the re-election of US-backed President Felix Tshisekedi in December. Labelled a ‘farce’, the election was wrought with logistical problems and many do not accept the results. Protracted civil wars and mismanagement of state resources has undermined the development of infrastructure needed to deal with socio-economic concerns and protect the country’s poorest and most vulnerable citizens. 

 

Afghanistan

 

Afghanistan continues to face one of the largest humanitarian crises in the world under the control of the Taliban, who regained power in 2021. Since the takeover, the regime has inflicted a number of restrictions on the population that are considered to be flagrant human rights violations, many of them targeting the freedom and autonomy of women and girls. In addition, the country is on the brink of economic collapse and food prices are rising, leaving 15.3 million people experiencing food insecurity. Former minister for women’s affairs Hasina Safi told Al Jazeera in October that many people in Afghanistan feel “abandoned” and “forgotten” as western media turns away from their plight and humanitarian funds run low.  

 

The Taliban returned to power in August 2021 after US forces withdrew from the country. Since then, the population of Afghanistan has suffered under religious edicts and discriminatory regulations. For Afghan women and girls, severe restrictions on employment, education, public interactions and other human rights have grave implications for their safety, health and freedom. Meanwhile, Western donors and international financial institutions have greatly reduced or completely stopped funding going into the country’s development in a bid to economically isolate the unrecognised government. Dwindling aid funds have impacted the country’s most vulnerable first, forcing humanitarian agencies to cut food aid to millions of people in recent years.

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A crisis response from Canada: Students and the housing crisis

A crisis response from Canada: Students and the housing crisis

A crisis response from Canada: Students and the housing crisis

Ever wanted to study in Canada? Well, go somewhere else!

 

On 22 January 2024 the Canadian Government announced a new immigration measure that will place a cap on the number of international student visas issued over the next two years. The measure aims to limit the intake to 360,000 students per year. This will be a significant decrease to the year on year growth of Canada’s international student population.

 

In a press release from the Government of Canada, Justin Trudeau’s Liberal party warned that due to unsustainable levels of immigration the “integrity of the international student system has been threatened”. The droves of students looking to earn degrees in Canadian Universities has placed a strain on “housing, healthcare and other public services”. Although focused on students, the measure aims primarily to decrease the external pressure on the Canadian rental market, which much like Ireland, is in crisis.

 

Each province and territory will have tailored quotas based on relative population size with Ontario and British Columbia being the most affected.  Both will see their incoming student population fall by around 50%. To help implement this measure, prospective students must also obtain an attestation letter from their respective province or territory. 

 

Starting September 1, 2024, international students who begin a study program that is part of a curriculum licensing arrangement will no longer be eligible for a post graduation work permit upon graduation. British Columbia has also placed a ban on new institutions accepting any international students during this period. 

 

Furthermore, financial requirements have also doubled to account for the rising cost of living in the country. Prior to 2024 students only needed to have $10,000 CAD to prove their ability to support themselves in the country; that figure has now doubled to $20,635 (~€14,000). 

To put the Canadian housing crisis in an Irish context: at present the average monthly rent is $2,196 (€1,488) and the average house price sits at $650,000 (€447,980). The current average rent in Ireland is €1,544 and the median price of home ownership comes in at €323,000.

The need for such measures begs the question of why a Canadian education is so coveted? 

In 2023 a total of 684,385 students received study permits. Of the cohort of students granted permits last year 278,860 students were from India, 58,430 from China, and 37,675 were from Nigeria. Only 190 students from Ireland travelled to Canada for university in 2023. 

Canada boasts some of the best higher education institutions in the world. The University of Toronto, University of British Columbia, McGill University and McMaster University all sit within the top 85 universities in the world according to The Times Higher Education Rankings – higher than any Irish institutions, Trinity College is 161st. 

Other pull-factors include the high standard of living, a diverse and cosmopolitan environment and relative safety enjoyed by Canadians. Tuition fees are not much different to those paid by non-EU students studying in Ireland with an undergraduate degree costing $36,360 (€24,700) for international students. With 223 public and private universities, and 213 public colleges and institutes Canada has a lot to offer international students. Along with a world class education they will also act as a scapegoat for a deepening housing crisis. 

Are international students causing a mass housing crisis across Canada?

In short: no. 

International students are not the main culprit causing the downfall of the Canadian housing system. At the heart of this issue is a mismatch between supply and demand. Housing supply from the government is sluggish in the delivery of rental units and homes. Only 240,267 new units were built last year. Immigration initiatives have led to a population increase of 1.2 million in 2023, making Canada the fastest growing G7 member and placing it in the top 20 fastest growing countries in the world. If immigration levels stay as they are, the population will double in only 26 years. The government partially blames a labour shortage for its lacklustre performance, however it is clear that long term strategies to absorb the increasing population were not robustly considered.

According to the government of Canada’s Immigration Levels Plan for 2024-2026 the department of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship has set an immigration target of 450,000 permanent residents for 2024 and 500,000 permanent residents for both 2025 and 2026. 

 

To obtain permanent residency in Canada typically an individual must work in the country for 12 consecutive months before applying, so those seeking permanent residency for 2024 are already in the country. Permanent residency is not the same as obtaining citizenship. Permanent residents do not hold the right to vote or run for office, must renew their documentation periodically, and do not hold the same travel rights enjoyed by Canadian citizens.

 

Permanent residents and visiting students do not have political agency within the Canadian political system and therefore have no sway on immigration laws. Students and immigrants who travel to Canada seeking a world class education or new employment opportunities operate fully within the confines of the existing political system, laws and regulations voted for and supported by Canadian citizens.

Immigrants cannot be held accountable for the housing crisis occurring in Canada when the government is actively seeking to grow the population without sustainable housing and social supports in place. The issue of housing is second highest on the agenda for Canadian voters and could lead to either a change in government or at least lower levels of support for the current Liberal Party in the upcoming 2025 federal election. 

To walk around the streets of Ottawa, Calgary, Toronto and Vancouver is to see the devastation caused by the unaffordable housing market and the increasingly unaffordable cost of living.

It is difficult to discern any control the Canadian Government claims to have over the current spiralling housing market. Homelessness is rampant and becoming the norm. With political leaders desensitised and unmoved by the effects of the housing and cost of living crises little change is possible. 

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Shared Histories, Shared Voices: Ireland’s emphatic support for Palestine

Shared Histories, Shared Voices: Ireland’s emphatic support for Palestine

Shared Histories, Shared Voices: Ireland’s emphatic support for Palestine

Ireland’s pro-Palestine stance is hard to escape from. Whether you’re scrolling through social media, watching the news, talking to friends or family, or simply out on the streets of Dublin, you will be confronted with Irish support against the War on Gaza. 

 

Amidst a changing tide of opinions about the war on Gaza, the Irish people have been steadfast in their support for the Palestinian state. Since the 1950s, the Irish state has recognised the Palestinian plight as a top priority issue and Pro-Palestine demonstrations have been taking place in Ireland long before October 7th 2023, with support only increasing since then. 

 

Why has a small island state over 4000km away taken an interest in the Palestinian struggle? Ireland’s closest neighbours and allies within the European Union, as well as the United Kingdom and the United States of America, have failed to be vocal in their support for Palestine. What makes Ireland so different?

 

I travelled to Belfast early last year and was surprised to see several Palestinian flags and murals depicting Irish solidarity with Palestine. This was before the increase in violence that occurred after the events of October 7th. It was viewing these murals and flags in the context of the Northern Irish political landscape that made me consider the historical link between the Irish people and the Palestinian people. 

 

There are several similarities between the Irish struggle for freedom and the battle being fought in Palestine. This is not a new idea but an important one to remember. “We feel we have been victimised over the centuries. It’s part of our psyche – underneath it all we side with the underdog,” former Irish diplomat to Palestine Niall Holohan said in an interview with the Guardian. The Irish people understand what it’s like to live under occupation. They know the pains of sectarian conflict, civil rights abuses, and the erasure of culture and heritage, especially in the North and for those who lived through the Troubles. 

In the borders drawn around Gaza and the West Bank, we see the border drawn between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In the food shortages and lack of aid in Gaza, we see our own famine during the 1840s and the ships full of food that were exported by our British coloniser. In an occupied Palestine we see an occupied Ireland.

Like any post-colonial country, Ireland clings tightly to its history and culture. We can see ourselves and our history in the news reports, videos and stories coming out of Gaza. Rather than a geopolitical alliance, the Irish people have formed an alliance of the heart and a historical understanding with the Palestinian people.

It shouldn’t take a historical link or understanding to denounce the actions of Israel in Gaza, not when renowned human rights organisations such as Amnesty International, Plan International and Save the Children have come out against the actions of the Israeli government. Accusations of genocide have been found to be plausible by the International Court of Justice in the case brought out against Israel by South Africa. There are plenty of reasons to support a ceasefire, to uplift the Palestinian people and to advocate against the atrocities occurring in Gaza. Ireland’s post-colonial understanding of conflict seems to have simply sped up the process of professing support for the cause.

 

The mention of South Africa prompts the recognition of a similar instance of support taken up by the Irish people. When we see Irish people engaging with the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement and marching in solidarity with the Palestinian people we are reminded of the Dunnes Stores boycott of 1984. Workers refused to handle imported goods from South Africa, opting to strike in protest against Ireland’s complicity in South African apartheid. The strikers were then deported from South Africa, after being invited to visit by Archbishop Desmond Tutu. This grew public support for the boycott and put pressure on the Irish government, eventually leading to the Irish government implementing a ban on the importation of apartheid goods into Ireland. 

 

Similar movements are being pursued now but in support of Palestine with aims to put similar pressure on the government and other institutions with regard to their ties with Israeli institutions complicit in genocide. For instance, recently all Irish artists intending to perform at the SXSW Festival in Austin, Texas have pulled out of the event. This is in protest against the festival’s ties to weapons manufacturers RTX, Collins Aerospace, and BAE Systems who have supplied the Israeli Defence Forces. Fundamentally, it seems that Irish people know what it’s like to be oppressed and simply act accordingly when presented with similar occurrences.

 

A vocal group within the Irish support for Palestine comes from university students. Trinity College Dublin (TCD) students have persistently organised and attended protests for Palestine. Notably, the Trinity BDS (TCD BDS), supported by the TCD Students’ Union recently blockaded the Book of Kells Experience in protest against the college’s ties to Israeli institutions at the end of February

 

Is this action an expression of historical understanding between Irish students and Palestine?  Though students become more and more removed from Irish occupation over time, ideas of nationalism and an understanding of Irish history continue to grow on the island. With talks of border polls becoming part of everyday discussion and general student engagement with Irish culture, it’s plausible that Irish students feel as connected with their Irish heritage as anyone else. 

 

It’s at times like these when I’m proud to be Irish. Clinging too hard to history and the past can have dangerous consequences, none as pressing at the moment as the perceived historical claim Israel believes it has on Palestinian land. However, evidently, a shared historical understanding can open hearts and minds too. 

 

Ireland’s unwavering support for Palestine amidst the ongoing conflict in Gaza is a testament to the deep historical and empathetic ties between the Irish people and the Palestinian cause. Ireland has been pushing for Palestinian support for nearly three-quarters of a century. We can’t and we won’t stop now. It’s clear that from the streets of Dublin to the murals in Belfast, solidarity with Palestine resonates strongly within the Irish community and will continue this way for quite some time.

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What are the economic impacts of Javier Milei’s presidency?

What are the economic impacts of Javier Milei’s presidency?

What are the economic impacts of Javier Milei’s presidency?

A photo of the Irish landscape, with trees and a waterfall in the foreground, and Castletown manor in the background.

The economic and social opportunities Ireland has demonstrated for its diverse population has attracted people from all over the globe. Many people from Argentina have found a new home in Ireland, often fleeing Argentina’s deep economic and security crisis fuelled by high inflation and devastating poverty. According to the BBC, 40% of the Argentines live under the poverty line, and inflation was at 138%. As such, Argentina recently elected libertarian Javier Milei to the Presidency. Milei ran on a radical and controversial platform, promising to restructure the economy by privatising public companies, defunding the government, and even removing the central bank.

 

The election comes as a shock, but perhaps not a surprise. The financial Times has previously reported almost 40,000 people from Argentina moved to Spain alone, primarily thanks to the high numbers of Spanish and Italian descendants within the country, hence making entry into the EU highly practical through European passports and language or cultural similarities. This is up from under 10,000 10 years ago. Ireland is no exception, and a large Argentine community resides on the island. High rates of emigration are a testament to the chronic economic hardship many people in the country face.

 

These issues have been so devastating for the people of Argentina that they elected a self described “anarcho-capitalist” well known for his radical policies and eccentric personality. He has often been seen in rallies waving around a chainsaw which represents his intentions to slash the size of the federal government, and insulting his left-wing opposition. He has also previously demonstrated the importance of his dogs, naming them after famous libertarian economists and claiming his dead dog told him to run for President.

 

Milei ran on a radical platform that would turn Argentina into an economic experiment. While soon after winning the election he toned down his “anarcho-capitalist” rhetoric, he was determined in slashing down government ministries such as those related to climate sustainability and gender development. Milei promised to dollarize the Argentine economy, and proposed getting rid of the central bank of Argentina entirely, claiming these institutions can’t be trusted with monetary and fiscal policies.

 

Milei’s logic is that the established government and central bank cannot be trusted to formulate the monetary and economic policies of Argentina, because they either print too much, spend too much, or serve only the political class. In this vein, he argues these are simply instruments to “rob” from the people of Argentina.

 

Interestingly, Milei took 70% of the Argentine vote in Ireland, compared to 55% of the overall vote in Argentina, which might highlight the importance of the Milei’s emphasis on economic improvement and how much it resonates amongst economic migrants.

 

Milei has therefore been trusted to perform a macroeconomic experiment on the Argentine economy. While some experts and economists agree more than others with Milei, dollarizing the economy and shutting down the central bank would require immense political will and over 40 billion dollars. Milei has neither.

To fight this division, Milei has previously proposed asking the people of Argentina if they want to shut down the Central Bank through a referendum. He then implied that, if Congress does not match the vote of the people, then this is a clear example of political elitism working against the interest of the people.

 

However this is an extremely difficult task, and Milei will need over $40 billion. This amount would cover debt payments of Argentina’s central bank, and cover the pesos in circulation within the economy and within savings. While experts are disputing the exact figure and measures needed, Milei has an uphill battle if he wants to ensure he keeps his electoral promises. He seems to understand this well, and has commenced his plans by deregulating the economy, essentially opening everything up from the domestic markets to beginning the privatisation of state companies or lowering taxes. He has done this with over 300 measures to deregulate the economy.

 

While he has met political opposition with these measures, he is attempting to go further by presenting congress with perhaps the most radical bill it has ever had to vote on: the “omnibus law”. This bill consists of 664 articles that challenge and change previous norms by declaring a “public emergency” for at least two years in which the Executive Branch (him and his cabinet) could assume powers that correspond to the Congress. 

 

Due to strong political opposition and unfortunate economic realities, Milei will find it difficult to introduce his plans. Furthermore, while it remains to be seen how much he will actually be able to do, and what the consequences of this will be, his radical economic measures have demonstrated how serious he is at fulfilling his promises.

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Missiles over Mouths: Could government policy in North Korea be leading towards a second famine?

Missiles over Mouths: Could government policy in North Korea be leading towards a second famine?

Missiles over Mouths: Could government policy in North Korea be leading towards a second famine?

Hunger is not a natural phenomenon. It is a man made tragedy.

Archbishop Desmon Tutu

 

If we peel back the thin veil of North Korea’s turbulent history, we see a nation marked by the scars of hunger and economic mismanagement which the government is trying fervently to conceal. The country’s first famine occurred in the 1990s, and was accordingly named the Arduous March or the March of Suffering due to the cataclysmic effect it had on the population. A lack of factual statistics due in part to intentional distortion have meant that the actual death toll of the famine is not known, but it is estimated that anywhere from 2-3 million people died during the period. 

 

The conditions of human suffering and starvation in North Korea are revealed to us through the stories of brave defectors. A particularly harrowing depiction of life during this time is given by Mina Yoon, who recalls that the harsh landscape meant that very little crops could grow, and families would compete to find anything edible. She estimates that, based on the global standard, more than half of North Koreans would be considered malnourished. As a child, she would be sent to the mountains to dig out some edible herbs, and her family would rely on tree bark and rice roots to survive. Yoon and her family fled to South Korea to take refuge and start a new life. It is the vocalization of memories from survivors and the few available images of malnourished children and barren fields that can help us understand the desolation of life and the environment in North Korea since the 1990s.

A group of between 50 and 100 Korean students stand in matching uniforms, looking at the Victorious Fatherland Liberation War Monument in Pyongyang, a series of large grey statues and a North Korean flag.

Image: Students visiting the Victorious Fatherland Liberation War Monument in  Pyongyang, North Korea. (stephan), Flickr

Fast-forward to look at the situation today, interviews with people living in the region conducted by the BBC continue to reveal the plight of the country’s food shortage crisis, with some reports suggesting that the situation is worse than it was in the 1990s.

A woman living in the capital Pyongyang, given the false moniker Ji Yeon, recounts knocking on her neighbours door with the aim of giving water and checking on their wellbeing. She received no answer, and when the authorities went inside, they found that the family had starved to death. Struggling to feed her children, Ji Yeon went two days without eating and was afraid that she would die in her sleep. She tells the BBC that she had heard of people who had taken their own lives or disappeared into the mountains, unable to cope with the anguish of hunger.

 

A number of factors and policy failures have contributed to this. Since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the government has enforced strict border closures, leading to a deficiency of vital supplies, including comestibles and machinery for the food industry. A man under the pseudonym Chan Ho, told BBC reporters: “[a]t first, I was afraid of dying from Covid, but then I began to worry about starving to death”, and that five people in his village had already lost their lives in this way. According to Amnesty International, since the first famine in the 1990s through to the present, various attempts by the UN and other humanitarian aid agencies to distribute food and other essentials has been impeded by a regime that refuses to cooperate fully with the international community in violation with international law. The cessation of importing food and supplies due to the pandemic and the refusal of international aid has only accelerated North Korea’s isolation and has resulted in the government placing a straitjacket around its own food production/economy. Who is suffocating from the restrictions of this straightjacket? Ordinary civilians who are starving.

 

Higher on the agenda than tackling food scarcity for North Korea’s leader Kim Jong-Un, is his nuclear expansion programme. Pushing ahead with nuclear and ballistic missile tests and a spy satellite launch – all of which are banned by United Nations Security Council resolutions – has resulted in pressurizing trade sanctions from the US, the EU and other partners. Despite the unfavorable impact of the sanctions on the economy, Kim Jong-Un uses Machaevillian maneuvering and propaganda techniques to manipulate citizens into seeing military and nuclear spending as necessary for prosperity. In November 2023, North Korea announced a new public holiday, known as Missile Industry Day

A photo of someone reading a newspaper inside a cosy cafe. Their face is obscured by the newspaper and their legs are crossed.

Image: North Korean soldiers. Roman Harak, Flickr.

This new holiday suggests that Kim Jong-Un is bolstering national pride in the country’s missile programme and in the Kim family cult of personality to deflect from his negligence and inability to improve North Korea’s economic climate. Regardless of his acknowledgement at his party’s committee meeting in January of 2024, that a failure to provide people with food and basic living necessities is a “serious political issue”, Kim continues to place the importance of missiles over the mouths of his people.

The legacy of the epoch of mass hunger known as the Great Famine (1845-1852) remains as an imprint on the Irish psyche and our history books. Many Irish people display their empathy for others who are suffering in global contexts through civil demonstrations – this is evidenced by the Pro-Palestinian rallies happening accross the nation in the past few months with thousands of people in attendance. This solidarity is due in part to the parallels we can draw between those facing hardships and injustices abroad and the historical suffering of our ancestors under British rule and through the famine.

 

Since the famine of the 1990s, North Koreans are more aware of who is causing their hunger, and they are becoming discontented. The former North Korean ambassador to the UK, Thae Yong So, has defected from the country and is advocating for increased dissemination of information from the outside to allow civilians to recognize the inadequacy of the government and take action. He states that “it will be like spraying gasoline on a fire of public anger, eventually sparking a popular uprising that will topple the Kim family regime.”

 

As descendants of people who lived through unjust governmental policies and the famine that ensues from them, we can use our history to critique and condemn what is happening in North Korea.

 

If a social explosion is sparked, it is important for us to remember our historical roots, and rally our support to ensure that no more North Korean families will rely on their rice roots to survive.

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